| Every day, we hear almost nothing from Iraq but more news of violence and destruction. Meanwhile, the Iraqi people are suffering not only from the acts of violence, they also face the absence of such basic necessities as clean drinking water and electricity. It is not surprising that the majority of them are now looking forward to the results of the January 30 election as a way to form a legitimate government that will reconstitute the Iraqi army and security forces, establish the rule of law and negotiate an end to the occupation.
The United States says that most of the violence is perpetrated by "terrorists" led by remnants of Saddam’s regime, Muslim extremists under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, and criminal elements looking for financial gain. Iraqis largely accept this view, but they also consider the American use of excessive force as a very significant factor in the continuing violence. Zarqawi has claimed responsibility for many spectacular acts not only against American forces, but also against other Iraqis who he accuses of collaborating with occupation forces. Zarqawi has an ambitious plan – after the end of occupation, he aims to establish an Islamic Sunni Wahhabi state in Iraq by subjugating the majority Shiite Muslims, whom he considers apostates. To recruit more forces to his side, he is trying hard to stoke the fires of a sectarian war between the Iraqi Sunnis and Shiites by bombing Shiite holy places and assassinating Shiite prominent personalities.
The remnants of Saddam’s regime and his Baath party now claim that they are the leaders of the "resistance" against occupation. They declare that they will not lay down their weapons until the end of occupation. What they really imply is that the Americans should negotiate with them and again recognize them as the "legitimate" government of Iraq. With the money they accumulated before the collapse of the regime, there is no doubt that they are the financiers of the present turmoil in Iraq and they have no qualms, for the moment, about embracing the Zarqawi elements and even criminals who are paid to be "part-time" resistance fighters.
Are the rest of Iraqis, mainly Shiite Muslims and ethnic Kurds, really in favour of permanent occupation? The Shiites, being the main victims of Saddam’s rule, are taking a wait-and-see stance, which they call peaceful resistance. The Kurds, who are non-Arab Sunni Muslims and were also victims of Saddam’s regime, are perhaps the only allies of the Americans.
Amost all, if not all, the candidates for the election, be they individuals, parties or organizations, speak in their election campaigns about finding a way to negotiate an end to the occupation and regain Iraq's sovereignty.
Historically, it may be appropriate to quote from a paper by Robert Buzzanco, associate professor of History at Houston University, written before the invasion and titled "How Did the U.S. and Iraq Become Enemies?"
"…When viewed in historical perspective, current American sabre-rattling against Iraq has even less justification. The U.S. developed relations with Iraq (since the end of the Second World War) to suit its own purposes, supporting regimes which harm their own citizens, encouraging and funding wars against neighbouring states, providing technology for weapons-building, and using Saddam as a justification for war and sanctions. Despite this Saddam Hussein remains in power, the people of Iraq suffer brutal hardships on a daily basis, and the U.S. offers no solution except more destruction and chaos." (George Mason University, History News Network, Oct. 28, 2002)
Saddam became a pariah only after the invasion of Kuwait. He was a close American ally throughout the eight years of the brutal war with Iran. During the war to liberate Kuwait from Saddam’s occupation, then president George H. Bush publicly called on the Iraqi people and army to rise and depose the government of Saddam. Soon after Kuwait, a popular revolt erupted against the regime and the rebels had almost succeeded in toppling that government. But they were stunned by the lack of support from the Americans and their allies, whose forces were well inside Iraq. On the contrary, the Americans let the Saddam Republican Guard to pass on its way to crush the rebels, and allowed government military helicopters to fly and gun down any retreating rebels and fleeing civilians. Most of the rebels were from the Shiite South, although the Kurds also rose at the same time.
This is the main reason why the Shiites look with suspicion at American motives and intentions – and the mistrust seems mutual. The Americans never really arm the elements of the "National Guard" and Iraqi police with effective weapons and equipment to defeat the "terrorists," who are much better trained and armed. For example, a correspondent of British newspaper The Independent visited an Iraqi police station in one of Baghdad’s suburbs and was astonished to learn from the police officers in that station that for 25 policemen, the Americans allocated only 13 Kalashnikov guns. So no one is really surprised when "insurgents" attack and kill police and burn their stations at any time they choose. The Americans disbanded the massive Iraqi army and security forces, but did not bother to control the huge amounts of weapons and ammunition that were rampant in all of Iraq. Now the officers of Saddam’s disbanded army and the elements of his Baath party not only have large cash reserves, but they have control of huge dumps of weapons and unlimited supplies of ammunition.
Looking at the broader picture, when the U.S. invaded Iraq, the main justification given by the American government was to free the world of weapons of mass destruction being stockpiled by a ruthless dictator who had connections to terrorist organizations like al-Qaida. When no WMDs were found, the emphasis shifted to the need for establishing democracy in Iraq to serve as a model for the larger Middle East region. No mention was or is being made at all about the role of oil in invading Iraq. But as James Akins, a former U.S. diplomat, says:
"As vital as the Persian Gulf is now, its strategic importance is likely to grow exponentially in the next 20 years. Nearly one out of every three barrels of oil reserves in the world lie under just two countries: Saudi Arabia (with 259 billion barrels of proven reserves) and Iraq (112 billion). Those figures may understate Iraq's largely unexplored reserves, which according to U.S. government estimates may hold as many as 432 billion barrels. With supplies (of conventional oil) in many other regions, especially the United States and the North Sea, nearly exhausted, oil from Saudi Arabia and Iraq is becoming ever more critical – a fact duly noted in the administration's National Energy Policy, released in 2001 by a White House task force." ("The Thirty-Year Itch," by Robert Dreyfuss, MotherJones.com, March/April 2003 issue.)
Regardless of their political persuasion, politicians and public figures in Iraq understand that the U.S. is basically in pursuit of its economic and geopolitical interests. They also realize that Iraq needs to produce and sell its oil and natural gas to outside consumers – and the U.S. is not only a huge market for oil and its products, but also has the best technology for drilling, producing, and processing oil and gas. Iraqis of all persuasions envisage a major role for the U.S. in their oil and gas industry. Thus if there are going to be free and fair elections, any elected government will be quite willing to accept the U.S. and its western allies as essential partners in Iraq’s petroleum industry.
Obviously, it is in the best interests of the U.S. and its allies to allow free and transparent elections, and then support the elected Iraqi government by supplying its armed forces and security agencies with the best possible equipment and training to establish the rule of law throughout Iraq. Only in this way can Iraq prove to be a good example to the countries of the Middle East and help uproot a major cause for the growth and expansion of terrorism.
Munaf Yassiri is an Iraqi-born engineer and a member of Calgary’s peace movement. He is currently writing a book about Iraq. |
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